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Time to optimally use armed forces during crisis

The demand for handing over control to the armed forces is primarily due to loss of confidence in existing infrastructure, besides inefficient logistics. Shortages have been exacerbated due to profiteering and cornering of resources. The armed forces can help in setting up centralised war rooms and coordinated communications network. The biggest gain would be the elimination of local manipulation.

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Lt Gen KJ Singh (retd)
Former GOC-in-C, Western Command

As the nation battles the mega second wave of Covid along with an infodemic tsunami, questions that rankle the hapless and desperate population are — when will the armed forces take over and why are they not being given responsibilities of oxygen supply and managing hotspots like Delhi? Two former Army commanders and many senior veterans have felt that the forces are being utilised sub-optimally. Yet, the government has stated in court that it cannot ask the Army to take over in Delhi. The Delhi High Court has concurred with this argument.

The forces have finite medical resources and the existing medical system in Delhi, even in normal times, works on support from the field hospitals of formations in the vicinity. Unlike civil hospitals, paramedical and nursing support in Military Hospitals (MHs) and Base Hospitals (BHs) has been a cause for concern. This can be attributed to spartan manning norms. The flexibility in the emergency response system was further eroded with the winding up of medical TA (Territorial Army) civil hospitals in 2014.

An objective assessment would establish that niche capabilities, especially in logistics of forces, including the Air Force and the Navy, are being extensively utilised. It is most evident in the transportation of cryogenic oxygen plants and containers. The Corps of Electronics and Mechanical Engineers (EME) has also repaired and resuscitated non-functional oxygen generation plants. In addition, the forces have helped to set up the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) hospitals, including manning them. It is a matter of concern that locations for the so-called DRDO hospitals appear to have been chosen more for optics and parochial considerations. Even the naming of such temporary facilities has some political overtones. It would be better to honour medics like Maj Laishram Singh (Ashok Chakra) and the Covid Yodhas by naming them.

The MHs have raised bed capacities by 10-15% to accommodate civilian patients, subject to availability. It also bears mention that the veterans are up in arms and letters have been shot off to the Raksha Mantri (RM) lamenting this step, even when many veterans are running from pillar to post to find beds. This fact has been acknowledged and put on record by the MoD, which has questioned the very relevance of the Ex-servicemen Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS).

The unfortunate part is that bureaucrats prefer to raise objections and queries, whereas they are responsible for finding solutions. It is indeed time to fix accountability, release adequate funds and reduce the pendency of unpaid bills. The bottom line is that the liability of healthcare for veterans is absolutely non-negotiable. While it is accepted that the system is literally swamped, yet more empathy and better communication will help to alleviate the veterans’ plight to some extent.

The demand for handing over the situation to the armed forces is primarily due to loss of confidence in the existing crumbling infrastructure and inefficient logistics. Shortages have been exacerbated due to most reprehensible tendencies of profiteering and cornering of resources by the power brokers and fixers. The only solution is nabbing them and exemplary punishment through fast-track tribunals. Such criminals should be publicly shamed and socially ostracised. Contrived shortages have fuelled rumours and panic.

The armed forces can help in setting up centralised war rooms and coordinated communications network extending to regional nodes. Oxygen supplies and distribution can be managed by departmental TA units, which have domain competence in supply and distribution. These units can be assisted by a regular technical and logistics unit, which can handle any situation. The biggest gain would be the elimination of local manipulation.

The present government has junked a large number of colonial-era laws, but our response is still driven by the Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897. It is time a contemporary statute is drafted and operationalised. Concurrently, the Disaster Management Act, 2005, should be updated and include an addendum on pandemics and health emergencies. Notwithstanding the fact that ‘emergency’ is abhorred in political lexicon, yet it will be a good idea to lay down norms for national emergencies. With our resilience, we should be able to overcome this crisis, but it is axiomatic that we learn lessons and are better prepared to avert the next lurking challenge. The frequency of such emergencies in all probability is likely to increase in future.

The response has to be institutionalised and driven by statutory and mandated bodies. The NDMA and NDRF are not seen to be active, it will be appropriate that they are empowered in staffing and given due authority. Even states, except a few like Orissa, have notional state-level structures. Our disaster management matrix is based on response time and quantum of force. In all eventualities, the first responders have to be well-trained organic elements, civil defence, Home Guards and the police. In remote areas, the Army, due to its location, could also be concurrent, the first responder. They have to be supplemented with the NDRF, CAPFs, armed forces and NGOs, depending on the scale of tragedy.

The NDRF is the designated primary responder, but has very limited capacities and only nominal ones in public health. Secondary responders include all others with the Army called in only as the ultimate responder. The raising of the NDRF and proliferation of demand for the Army has resulted in marked hesitancy on the part of the forces to get sucked into routine functions. Capability building for disaster relief in the forces needs to be funded. It is worrying that the forces are not represented in any of the 11 empowered committees and even the Supreme Court has not included them in the specially constituted task force, despite a stellar record and domain competence. It is time the expertise of forces is tapped in planning and management of critical functions.

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