Back to basics to ensure they’re back

Ruchika M Khanna

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, January 5

Facing anti-incumbency, charges of cartelisation of businesses and drug taint on senior leaders, and inability to bring to book those responsible for the sacrilege of Guru Granth Sahib, the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) had almost been written off from Punjab’s political scene in 2015. But that was a year ago.

Now, the party is back in the reckoning with Parkash Singh Badal, the psychological and emotional face of the SAD, and Sukhbir Singh Badal, the chief strategist, using all within their means to bounce back.

The aura created around Sukhbir, too, seems to have played its role in helping the party. Perceived as a micro-strategist, he managed to turn the tables on his rivals in the 2012 Assembly elections and secured a second term riding on the support from the “azad Congress” — a term coined for 37 rebel Congress candidates. The principal rival parties are aware of his political acumen at funding and fuelling dissent among rebels.

A year ago, the party’s prospects looked grim. Akali leaders were humiliated at public functions (in Punjab and abroad), especially by young voters who are desperately looking for experimentation in politics. The poor law and order situation in the state — be it the brutal assault on a Dalit youth in Abohar, the gang wars in the state or the frequent accidents involving buses owned either by the Badals or their associates — resulted into frustration with the governance of the SAD-led regime.

Till April last year, it appeared that the party was on its way out. Many had even written its epitaphs… mainly in the social media. The rising popularity of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), referred to as a “rogue party”, played a role in this.

The frequent frictions with its alliance partner, the BJP, dominated the political talk, with bets being placed on when the alliance would split. The fact that Chief Minister Badal had to often rush to Delhi to get the state’s dues (cash credit limit for purchase of foodgrain), and the denial of a special financial restructuring package went on to sore ties between the two. But realpolitik finally took over. The friends-turned-foes turned friends again. And without any central assistance package to the state, they launched their political juggernaut.

What followed was a potent combination of religion and politics and the fall back on the tried-and-tested Panthic agenda. The speculation over the on-again, off-again relationship with the BJP was laid to rest. And by the mid of 2016, the two parties started working in tandem.

Political observer Jagtar Singh observes that Panthic party regained lost ground because AAP ran out of steam in the past few months and the Congress could not get its act together. “The government has done well on the development front. SAD president Sukhbir has a vision for the state. But his main fallings are his arrogance and the conflict of interest arising out of his businesses. It’s time he decides between the party and business interests. His public perception, and that of his coterie of ministers and bureaucrats needs an overhaul,” he says.

By taking the “dera route” and using development as a poll plank, the SAD has managed to be back in the saddle, though it’s not in a winning position yet. The use of religion — be it the beautification of Amritsar and launch of the Mukh Mantri Darshan Tirath Yatra Scheme — did help the government in fighting off some negativity caused by the sacrilege incidents. The cost of unleashing the religious agenda was a whopping Rs575 crore.

Dr Lakhwinder Singh, an economist, feels that the party became unpopular because of its failure to give a fillip to the economy. “Punjab remains an investment-deficit state. Agricultural economy suffered badly and manufacturing sector remained sluggish. What worsened the state of affairs were the sops given to appease voters,” he adds.

Other than using careful election strategy, not just in laying the agenda for the elections, but also in selection of candidates, Sukhbir has brought in new faces in almost half of the seats. The idea is to shed the dead wood and beat anti-incumbency by replacing several “non-performing and unpopular” MLAs with new faces who can allure voters.

A shrewd strategist, he has made sure that almost all his candidates are announced well in advance (91 of 94 candidates have been declared). By this, he has quelled rebellion among those denied tickets, by adjusting them in boards and corporations. The party, though, did see several of its leaders — Sarwan Singh Phillaur and Pargat Singh, to name a few — switch sides. The other rebels have been adjusted and dissidence contained.

This time, the Akali leadership seems to have tried hard to take all its important leaders along. While Rajya Sabha member Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa has managed to not just get ticket for his son and son-in-law, but also for some of his close supporters in Sangrur and surrounding areas. Agriculture Minister Tota Singh has managed to get two seats for his aides other than ensuring his own and his son’s ticket.

But is the party is out of the woods? Can it come up with a credible performance? Only the time will tell.