Not a citizen, yet

Assam is on the edge: 12 per cent of its population — a substantial 40 lakh — suddenly finds itself out of the National Register of Citizens (NRC). Though Home Minister Rajnath Singh has assured the list is not final, panic has set in among Bengali-speaking immigrants, particularly Muslims, who fear they may soon be deported. NRC is the proof of Assamese identity and includes the names of those living in the state before the cutoff date of March 25, 1971 (a day before the independence of Bangladesh). It was an extension of the Assam Accord, signed by the Rajiv Gandhi government in 1985 to tackle illegal immigration.

The issue has three dimensions: border issue with Bangladesh; the humanitarian angle; and local socio-economic concerns. The BJP had emerged victorious in Assam on its chief plank to check the influx of illegal immigrants, which the local population claims is choking the state. Giving it a political tint would be wrong, since it is a Supreme Court-monitored exercise, but the BJP suggesting a similar initiative for West Bengal smacks of political opportunism. Now is not the time for political game play or jockeying for domestic influence: at stake is the future of many, many lives; and serious demographic ramifications. 

A simple solution seems unlikely. Many people may have been born in Assam, married, and lived all their lives in the state. There is illiteracy. Many may not have documents to prove their bona fide status. Summary rejection of their claims would be unfair, as would be bellowing out the order to pack up and leave. There is no treaty with Bangladesh, which could prod it to take in those identified or suspected to be illegal immigrants. It may have to explore the idea of providing them asylum; or seek their resettlement by talking to the friendly Sheikh Hasina government. Domicile/migration is not a localised issue; it is now a global phenomenon, with more and more countries tightening their borders. India can follow suit on its own porous borders. There is only so much that a state’s economy can carry without bursting at the seams. While a legal, non-discriminatory headcount makes sense, the humanitarian compulsions should not be ignored. India can’t turn its back on those already in.