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Do Gandhis have that fire in the belly?

On February 14, Priyanka Gandhi was scheduled to address a press conference in Lucknow.

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Saba Naqvi

On February 14, Priyanka Gandhi was scheduled to address a press conference in Lucknow. But that day the Pulwama terror attack took place and she arrived to tell the media that it was not an appropriate day to talk of politics. Since then, we have heard nothing from the newest member of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to formally enter politics, which she did when in January she was appointed the Congress general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. Earlier, she had only campaigned in Amethi and Rae Bareli seats but did not have a formal position in the party. 

Now that Pulwama and Balakot are behind us, the question is that does Priyanka Gandhi have that fire in the belly to still make the narrative instead of following it and in this case being paralysed by it? That would require her fighting a big electoral battle, against a big BJP candidate, ideally PM Narendra Modi, in Varanasi. 

Otherwise let’s just write off her half debut in politics as a flop. I teach politics to 80 students, all first time voters, as visiting faculty in a private university and I must state that they did not respond with any particular enthusiasm to Priyanka with one asking what she had done besides smile at cameras.

There is still time for correction. The problem the Congress confronts is that after getting some wind in its sails with wins in three states — Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan — in December last year, it appears to have been brought down by the dogfight in the air with the BJP post Pulwama-Balakot. In two months, the narrative has switched. 

First, the party and the dynasts that lead it need to understand some basic psychological rules of politics today in the age of post truth and “alternative facts” — a phrase coined by Trump’s White House when challenged by real facts. People go to stories in print and online and watch the news that confirms their opinion of the world. Unless a big disruption takes place to draw their attention to something else, they are going to be consuming the BJP’s big bangs and big-ticket narratives that will unfold step by step in the run up to the elections.

Figures such as Mamta Banerjee and Arvind Kejriwal, hold their own against the dominant narratives because they are street fighters with all that fire in the belly to hang in there. Other dynasts of regional parties such as Akhilesh Yadav of the SP, Tejashwi Yadav of the RJD and MK Stalin of the DMK are individuals who did not confront the dilemma of “to be or not to be” in politics. They grew in political families, understood the rough and tumble of politics, fought battles with siblings and uncles within their families and showed the ruthlessness to be full-blooded and full-time politicians.

The Nehru-Gandhi siblings have indeed come through a terrible journey of two assassinations in the family and are by all accounts, very nice persons at an individual level. But we are all familiar with their existential dilemmas about being in politics and once there, being part time or full time. Rahul is now fully there but he has not shown the ruthlessness necessary for the big leadership. Consider the argument given for the Congress for failing to make an alliance with AAP in Delhi, till the time of writing. They have said the state leadership (badly defeated and having crossed their prime) was against it and, therefore, Rahul could not decide. In contrast, AAP, whose original raison d’etre was fighting the Congress, would be ready to go for an alliance because the leadership there has the necessary appetite to do anything to remain relevant in politics. A decisive leader knows what needs to be done and does it. 

Among the Prime Ministers that India has had most were reasonably nice guys, notably Jawaharlal Nehru and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. But two stand out for their ambition and fire and the determination to do anything necessary to stay in power. Indira Gandhi was and Narendra Modi is ruthless against opponents and both can also be described as dictatorial. 

When cornered by men in the Congress who ridiculed her and called her a “gungi gudiya” (dumb doll), Indira hit back with populist policies that would destabilise all the opposition within the party and outside. She took risks and plunged into war, into abolishing privy purses of the feudals, nationalising banks, sending armed forces into the Golden Temple, and coming up 

with slogans such as “Garibi hatao” to counter “Indira Hatao”. She also killed inner party democracy in the Congress that would subsequently be the preserve of one family. 

Rahul and Priyanka have got their grandmother’s gift to them, that is the Congress party. But they have not learnt the lessons of fighting big battles from her and the necessary art of taking the narrative away from the opposition.

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