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Dirty politics not for him

The 1980s was a cataclysmic decade: grave internal disturbances in Punjab triggered by Pakistan-sponsored separatist demand for Khalistan; Operation Blue Star and the Army entering the Golden Temple; assassination of PM Indira Gandhi and Akali leader Harchand Singh Longowal; rumblings in J&K; thoughtless interference in J&K state Assembly polls in 1987; beginning of Pakistan’s proxy war, and grave internal disturbances had left the country scarred.

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NN Vohra
Former Principal Secretary to PM IK Gujral 

The 1980s was a cataclysmic decade: grave internal disturbances in Punjab triggered by Pakistan-sponsored separatist demand for Khalistan; Operation Blue Star and the Army entering the Golden Temple; assassination of PM Indira Gandhi and Akali leader Harchand Singh Longowal; rumblings in J&K; thoughtless interference in J&K state Assembly polls in 1987; beginning of Pakistan’s proxy war, and grave internal disturbances had left the country scarred. The transition into the 1990s was gloomier still, marked by a debilitating financial crisis; the rumblings of Bofors and submarine scandals; assassination of Rajiv Gandhi; exposure of the fodder scam involving Bihar CM Lalu Yadav and the suitcase scandal involving allegations of delivery of large amounts of currency at PM Narasimha Rao’s residence; assassination of Punjab CM Beant Singh, and other problems which troubled the governments of the day.

This was the milieu during my tenure as Defence Secretary and Home Secretary in the governments headed by VP Singh and Narasimha Rao before I retired from service in mid-1994. Having had more than my share of working during a prolonged period of tensions, I had no appetite to return to the shop floor. However, as destined, I reported to serve PM Gujral as his Principal Secretary. 

Looking back, I feel Gujral Sahib deserved far better than what was offered to him by his contemporaries  — particularly by the kind of political personalities whose support he needed to survive, virtually on a day-to-day basis. Erudite, fond of Urdu poetry, courteous, and of urbane disposition, he was warm-hearted and had no talent for countering the conspiracies of his political partners. His wife, Pushpa, too, had a literary orientation and several books to her credit.

Having witnessed the spread of corruption at the highest levels of the government, he was determined to launch a ‘new satyagraha’ for socially boycotting the givers and receivers of bribe. Unfortunately, he did not enjoy a long-enough tenure to leave a mark in his favoured spheres of interest.

I recall his annoyance when I opposed his direction to establish an anti-corruption cell in the PMO. Years later, he told me with great sadness that perhaps I was right. Corruption cannot be attacked, much less weeded out, unless our polity and society are truly committed. 

As Foreign Minister in PM Deve Gowda’s Cabinet, Gujral Sahib became known for the ‘Gujral Doctrine’ — an approach to achieve peaceful and friendly ties with our neighbours. His endeavours did not win him much applause. He was criticised for not dealing with Pakistan with a firm hand. His gentle demeanour strengthened the perception that he was ‘weak’, which was altogether incorrect. Then or now, India cannot afford to have strained relations with its South Asian neighbours as Pakistan has emerged as an unabashed ‘state actor’ in continuing its terror activities against India.

I assisted the PM in dealing with an ever-increasing array of problems on varied fronts. I was the last Principal Secretary to the PM to have handled issues which have since been entrusted to the NSA. My immediate successor, Brajesh Mishra, was the first NSA. 

While the PM faced many difficult situations, I recall one which was particularly troublesome. In UP, the BJP government led by Kalyan Singh had to seek a vote of confidence after unprecedented violence in the state Assembly. Governor Romesh Bhandari failed to make an objective assessment, and kept sending daily ‘situation reports’ to the President, PM and Home Minister. Mulayam Singh, then Defence Minister, wanted Kalyan Singh’s removal and imposition of President’s rule. He was supported by Congress president Sitaram Kesri.  The PM faced increasing pressure to recommend President’s rule. I called on Home Minister Inderjit 

Gupta, who after asking for my views as a former Union Home Secretary, observed that the Governor’s reports deserved to be rejected. When I reported this to the PM, he seemed inclined to agree but appeared uncomfortable. He accepted my suggestion to call on the President to brief him about the situation. When the PM and I met the President, he forthwith observed that there was no case for dismissing the government.

The next day, the PM called a Cabinet meeting to discuss the issue. As he was to proceed on a foreign tour the next day, the meeting was fixed in the forenoon. We also invited Attorney General Ashok Desai and Solicitor General TR Andhyarujina. The meeting was expected to conclude before lunch. However, with several breaks, the discussions continued for nearly eight hours. Late that evening (the PM’s visit to France and Germany was cancelled), the Home Secretary carried a note to the President, recommending President’s rule. After over an hour, the President’s secretary sent a note conveying rejection of the recommendation.

The UP issue illustrates that even though the PM was convinced that Kalyan Singh could not be dismissed, he had to carry through a prolonged charade which earned him no credit.  He faced serious issues during his tenure which could not be effectively dealt with because, as in the UP case, his hands were tied and he had to heed the behest of his detractors. Ultimately, following the prolonged wrangling on issues relating to the leaked Jain Commission report, the Congress withdrew support to the Gujral government on November 28, 1997. He informed the President that his government had lost majority and he did not wish to continue on ‘moral grounds’.

Even after the fall of the Gujral government, there were several dramatic developments at the Centre. However, subsequently, especially since 2004, the successive governments at the Centre have enjoyed full tenures. Yet, the concept of ‘coalition dharma’ is still to evolve and achieve its required equipoise in national politics.

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