A society full of paradoxes

Reicha Tanwar 

Haryana today stands propelled to being among the most prosperous states of the country. The Green and White revolutions, the vast network of metalled roads, complete electrification, urbanisation, industrialisation and the fact that it touches the nation's capital on three sides has given the state a completely new identity. 

The revolution in education has been no less; from just one degree college in 1901 the state has over 800 colleges today. In addition, there are 46 universities, more than 160 engineering colleges, 10 dental colleges and five medical colleges. 

With regard to the status of women and the girl child in Haryana, the picture that emerges is full of paradoxes. On the one hand, Haryana reflects a state in which there is a remarkable change in women's education; there is nearly 100 per cent enrolment of the girl child at the primary level, the literacy rate increased from 15 per cent in 1971 to 67 per cent in 2011. 

Similarly, there is a clear consensus in most families on the need to educate girls so that they can seek employment. Most families support their daughters to excel in education, sports, cultural activities, and even employment. Women and girls are encouraged to take up skilled jobs in places which are far from their homes. There is also a distinct change in the forms of dress of women, the ghoongat or the purdah system is also showing some change and is not being so strictly followed as it was say 50 or 60 years ago. Young girls are commonly seen driving scooters or cars and commuting by bus and train to their place of study or work. 

The state has also provided ample opportunities in the form of scholarships and waiving off fees in all government institutions for girls. Similarly, the state provides mid-day meals, free uniforms and books to the students enrolled in the government school. Bicycles are provided to the girls studying in the government schools in the state. 

On the face of it, therefore, Haryana should ideally have reflected social indicators of comparable merit and form with regard to the status of women. The change that should have followed such phenomenal material and educational growth has, sadly, not come about. Yes, there has been change — bride prices have been replaced by dowry, caste imperatives have further tightened and marriage on a caste basis has become only more restrictive — in sum the problems for women have only increased. In terms of social indicators, therefore, the picture that emerges of Haryana today is of some concern.

Historically the sex ratio in Haryana has always been below the overall national sex ratio and it has been declining since 1901, with a marginal increase in 2011 (879).

This, of course, is not surprising because various studies have shown that in states such as Haryana and Punjab, which are not socio-economically and demographically backward, the attitude towards the girl child is alarmingly unprogressive. Demographic studies show that the state very well meets the three pre-conditions for the spread of female foeticide that is still prevalent in Haryana (i) easy access to ultrasound and abortion facilities, (ii) ability to pay the doctor and abortionist and (iii) a good network of roads to cut down the cost and time taken to travel. 

Adding to this malpractice is the general perception that a son is an economic asset and a daughter an economic liability because of the high cost of marriage and dowry. Many women in Haryana and Punjab say that they were in favour of limiting the birth of girls because they were genuinely concerned about the fate of girls who are increasingly being subjected to eve-teasing, molestation and sexual harassment, dowry death and the unending demand for dowry from the emerging consumerist society.

Another factor that has emerged is the concept of honour killings. Haryana has been witness to number of honour killings which have been reported. In these matters the caste panchayats and other social organisations have played a dubious role.

There is a need for a unified feminist understanding keeping in view the cultural context of the region. Such a paradigm should have three essential characteristics. Firstly, it should spell out strategies which shall possess a multipronged approach to the problems gripping women. Secondly, it should incorporate questions and action programmes, unique in the Indian social structure. Much of the feminist thinking on women's labour access to resources and status have emerged from a different context than our own. Thirdly, the unified approach should outline the remedies cautiously so that remedies themselves should not become the causes of new crimes. 

The collective change should strive for the redistribution of resources, restructuring of gender relations, restoration of decision making rights and subversion of cultural barriers. This would lead to an equitable and just society.

Persistence of extraordinary high levels of gender inequality and female deprivation are among the state's most serious failures. It is also a fact that gender inequality does not decline automatically with the process of economic growth. It is important to aim at more radical and rapid social change based on public action. 

One has also to acknowledge that gender inequality is not only a social failure in itself, it also leads to other social failures. There is a growing awareness that the agency of women as a force of change needs to be recognised. The suppression of women from participation in social, political and economic life hurts the society as a whole it is not just a women’s issue.

— The writer is former director, Women's Studies Research Centre, Kurukshetra University.